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Request a DemoHere’s who was behind the Indiana transgender bill signed by Holcomb
- Gov. Eric Holcomb signed a bill into law banning gender transition-related medical care for minors on Wednesday.
- A representative from the Alliance Defending Freedom, a national legal advocacy group, said Indiana lawmakers asked for its legal guidance on three transgender issue-related bills.
- Of the more than 200 voicemails, emails and notes constituents sent to Holcomb leading up to his signing of the bill, only 10 were supportive of the transgender bills advancing in the Statehouse.
The day before Scott Newgent urged Indiana lawmakers to pass a ban on gender transition medical care for minors, he pitched a similar idea at a Missouri rally. Newgent, a Texan who regrets his gender transition, has already testified in two additional states this year.
National conservative Christian groups and individuals who say they regret their own decisions to transition have traveled the country pushing a historic number of bills focused on those who are transgender. In Indiana, three such bills advanced. One banning gender transition-related medical care for minors — including surgeries, hormones and puberty blockers — was signed into law by Gov. Eric Holcomb on Wednesday.
Perhaps the most influential of the outside forces has been the Alliance Defending Freedom, a Christian legal advocacy group. A representative from the group said Indiana lawmakers consulted it for legal advice on multiple bills this legislative session.
There's limited polling on the issue in Indiana, so it's unclear where a majority of Hoosiers stand on the issues.
But the more than 200 voicemails, emails and notes sent to Holcomb from constituents might provide a window into what Hoosiers are thinking. Of those sent between the start of session and March 27, only 10 supported the various transgender-issue bills, according to records obtained by State Affairs.
Laura Merrifield Wilson, associate professor of political science at the University of Indianapolis, said it’s not surprising that outside people and groups would push such legislation, given the increased nationalization of politics. It’s much easier to convince state legislators than Congress to pass these bills.
But, lawmakers and voters should be assessing why national groups are advocating for changes in Indiana, Wilson said.
“The idea of having people come from outside inherently in and of itself is not a bad thing. It’s just peeling back the layer,” Wilson said. “Does it serve the interests of Hoosiers?”
Wilson added that part of the reason so many transgender-issue bills advanced is likely because Republican lawmakers are catering to their base. Polling by and large shows Republicans are more supportive of some of these measures working through statehouses.
There also were in-state Christian conservative groups who supported the flood of bills, including Indiana Family Institute and the American Family Association of Indiana.
Which bills are moving
More than a dozen bills related to transgender issues were filed in Indiana this year, and a record number advanced. Some of them contain similar ideas to bills filed across the country.
Senate Bill 480, for example, bans all gender-affirming surgeries and procedures for minors, including puberty blockers and hormones. Those who have already started using hormones will need to stop by the end of the year.
The law contains concepts similar to legislation filed in more than two dozen other states this year, including West Virginia and Mississippi, where such measures have also been signed into law. In West Virginia, though, a state that this year pursued additional transgender-related legislation banning drag shows, lawmakers built in a unique exception for youth at risk of suicide or self-harm.
Indiana’s law does not contain that exception.
During testimony, some Hoosiers did speak in favor of the legislation. The majority of voices who shared regrets about transitioning, though, came from people who either lived out of state or didn't say where they lived. Notably, most discussed decisions made as adults — which the law does not address.
Newgent said he decided to testify because he regretted his own decision to transition as an adult — a viewpoint held by just 1% of those who previously sought gender-affirming surgeries — and wanted to protect young people from making the same choice.
He explained the lack of testimony from those living in the state due to embarrassment from those like him who say they were “duped” into transitioning.
“How excited are you to stand in front of a microphone and tell people, ‘Listen I was a total f****** idiot and I fell for this?” Newgent asked.
But there’s no evidence such surgeries are occurring on minors in Indiana.
A representative from Riley Hospital said during a committee hearing that its doctors don’t perform such surgeries on minors. It’s rare across the country, too: There were only 56 genital surgeries among those ages 13-17 with a gender dysphoria diagnosis from 2019 to 2021, according to Reuters.
Plus, opponents of SB 480 said more harm could come from the legislation because LGBTQ+ youth already are more likely to attempt suicide. The American Medical Association and the American Academy of Pediatrics are opposed to restrictions on gender transition-related medical care.
“It seems to me like lawmakers are doing this to appease right-wing supporters that don’t necessarily reflect the views of most Hoosiers,” said Katie Blair, director of advocacy and public policy of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of Indiana. “The fact that there are so many people coming into Indiana to testify just shows that this is a problem that doesn’t exist and certainly doesn’t exist in Indiana.”
Bill author Sen. Tyler Johnson, R- Leo, said his goal was to protect children against “irreversible, unproven and life-altering procedures.” Republican lawmakers have been working on a bill to limit such care for years, and he said he borrowed language from different places when crafting the legislation.
“That’s how bills get put together,” Johnson, who is an emergency room physician, told State Affairs.
Matt Sharp, senior counsel with Alliance Defending Freedom, said his organization was consulted by Indiana lawmakers on how to take Arkansas’ 2021 law on gender-affirming care and improve it legally for use in Indiana. Johnson said his conversations with the group were “no different than anybody else.”
“We want to be a resource to the state legislators,” said Sharp, whose organization is classified as a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center. “States are the laboratories of democracy. It’s where a lot of ideas start then eventually bubble their way up to Congress.”
Holcomb signed the bill into law on Wednesday.
“Permanent gender-changing surgeries with lifelong impacts and medically prescribed preparation for such a transition should occur as an adult, not as a minor,” Holcomb said in a statement. “There has and will continue to be debate within the medical community about the best ways to provide physical and mental health care for adolescents who are struggling with their own gender identity, and it is important that we recognize and understand those struggles are real.”
Within hours, the American Civil Liberties Union of Indiana announced it was suing Indiana over the law.
Another bill mirroring other states
House Bill 1608 also contains similar language to bills filed in other states. That piece of legislation, which as introduced was similar to what opponents call the “don’t say gay” law that passed in Florida last year, would prohibit teachers from providing instruction on human sexuality through third grade.
It also requires teachers to notify parents if their students want to go by a different name, and provides a defense for teachers who don’t want to use a student’s requested pronouns.
Just like SB 480, at least two dozen states have bills that contain similar concepts to HB 1608, and Sharp said he was asked to once again weigh in on the legislation’s legality. His organization previously represented a Brownsburg school teacher who said he was asked to resign because he didn’t want to use pronouns or names inconsistent with students’ assigned sex at birth.
Bill author Rep. Michelle Davis, R-Whiteland, declined to be interviewed for this article but in a statement said the bill stemmed from “parents’ concerns in my district and across the state.”
Testimony on HB 1608 in the Senate’s education committee was notable not because of who testified in support of the bill, but because of who didn’t testify in support of it. While more than 20 people said they opposed it, only a couple of people testified in support.
That bill already passed the House, and could pass out of the Senate as soon as next week. The House, however, would still have to vote on the bill again because changes were made on the Senate side.
The outlier (which picked up Dem votes)
Not every transgender bill in Indiana appears to be tied to a national movement.
A notable example is House Bill 1569, which would no longer allow people in state prison to receive gender-affirming surgery, including if they wanted to pay for it with their own money. (Other care, such as hormone therapy, would still be permissible.)
Rep. Peggy Mayfield, R-Martinsville, said her motivation for the bill was not necessarily tied to the larger wave of transgender bills emerging in several other states.
The bill would at most apply to just one person in prison at this time, according to testimony provided by the Indiana Department of Correction (DOC) during a Senate committee.
But Mayfield said she carried HB 1569 at the request of Indiana Attorney General Todd Rokita’s office, which is responsible for representing the state prison agency if someone in prison filed a lawsuit for lack of gender-affirming care.
Mayfield noted the DOC has a list of about 100 people who have either been diagnosed with gender dysphoria, are receiving hormone therapy or are otherwise being monitored or considered for some type of accommodation.
“That’s a potential pipeline of tremendous amounts of litigation,” Mayfield told State Affairs.
The attorney general’s office acknowledged another legal risk, though: Indiana will likely be sued over concerns of the Eighth Amendment right against cruel and unusual punishment.
Zach Stock, legislative counsel with the Indiana Public Defender Council, testified that the bill was unconstitutional. He said it would change the nature of prison sentences, creating a more severe penalty for people who are found by doctors to need medical care.
Still, the bill easily moved through both chambers, even picking up a handful of Democratic votes in the House. Holcomb will now have to decide whether to sign it.
Why there wasn’t more in-state testimony
The amount of supportive testimony a bill receives doesn’t automatically directly line up with the amount of support it would have in the general population.
A recent PBS NewsHour/NPR/Marist poll found that 43% of Americans support laws to criminalize gender-affirming care for minors, while 54% oppose them. In 2022, one poll found that a slim majority of Americans supported what opponents called the “don’t say gay” bill in Florida, while another found the opposite.
Does it matter if people who testify on legislation come from out of state? That depends on who you ask.
“It’s either good or bad policy,” Johnson told State Affairs. “It doesn’t matter where people are speaking on it.”
Emma Vosicky, executive director of GenderNexus, however, urged lawmakers to be cautious during testimony on the bill last month.
“With all due respect, you have no understanding of what it means to be transgender, and it’s not your fault because it’s not your experience,” Vosicky said. “What would be your fault is if you seek out stories that conform to what you want to believe, the stories you want to hear.”
Some people, such as Micah Clark, director of the socially conservative American Family Association of Indiana, opted to not testify on SB 480 because he wanted to leave it up to the experts — those who either regretted transitioning or physicians opposed to the practice.
“Sometimes the assumption is that you’ve got 70 Republicans in the House, 40 in the Senate,” Clark said. “People just assume it’ll pass.”
Contact Kaitlin Lange on Twitter @kaitlin_lange or email her at [email protected].
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Header image: A group of protestors chants outside the Indiana House chamber during a debate on Senate Bill 480 on March 21, 2023, in Indianapolis. (Credit: Kaitlin Lange)
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Who is Jamie Reitenour? Indianapolis mom mobilized volunteers to make governor’s ballot
EDITOR’S NOTE: This is one in a series of profiles of the candidates running for Indiana governor.
ZIONSVILLE, Ind. — It wasn’t the largest campaign event the 2024 election cycle is likely to see.
About 15 people, some of them children, gathered on a rainy April night at Our Place Coffee, nestled just feet from the watchful eye of Zionsville’s Abraham Lincoln mural. But Republican gubernatorial candidate Jamie Reitenour, an Indianapolis mom with no previous political experience, spoke with every single one of them.
It was one part coffee-and-issues politicking and one part informal Bible study, complete with scripture quiz questions for the kids in attendance.
Reitenour, well-worn Bible in hand, shared her oft-repeated story of being called by God to run for governor about six years ago — a destiny confirmed by friends and strangers alike along the way, she said. This charge, she told the group, would allow her to rise above traditional campaign currency, such as fundraising dollars and polling numbers.
Suzanne and Shon Hough sponsored the event after meeting Reitenour at their shared church, Horizon Christian Fellowship in Lawrence.
“As soon as we met her, we knew this is someone to support,” Suzanne Hough said. “We knew she wasn’t a politician. She was called. She has a love and compassion for people.”
That is how Reitenour has made it this far — how she gathered the 4,500 state-mandated signatures to qualify for the May 7 primary ballot, how she’s made it onto a stage filled with more experienced and wealthier opponents. For more than a year, she’s hosted several small events per week throughout the state, traveling some 35,000 miles, by her count.
The dozen or so latte-sipping supporters had a part to play, the candidate said.
“Go to your contact lists and tell them about our Facebook,” Reitenour said. “We could reach 144 people today if we all did that.”
The call
Reitenour’s purpose changed in 2017 while walking through downtown Indianapolis with her husband, Nathan.
“I just heard a whisper: You’re going to be the governor of Indiana,” Reitenour told State Affairs.
The couple wandered over to the governor’s mansion.
“We looked at it and thought, ‘That does not look like our family,’” she recalled. “So I just put the calling on the shelf.”
Indiana requires gubernatorial candidates to have lived in the state for at least five years. She had only just moved from Michigan.
Reitenour believed the country was in a good spot under then-President Donald Trump. Why would she need to run?
“I just thought about it,” Reitenour said. “Why would the Lord call an ordinary person to something like that when the nation was doing so well? But the reality of scripture is that you see these times where people are called, and you can see the reasons for the calling around them.”
Her regular Bible contemplation soon took her to the Book of Nehemiah, who was a governor. Another sign, she said.
The state’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic set off alarm bells for Reitenour, who considered steps like mask requirements an affront to personal liberty. She brings up the subject often, and it made it into her coffeehouse remarks.
“How am I in a conservative state, but I don’t feel free?” she told the crowd.
After COVID-19 and the election of President Joe Biden, Reitenour began to think more seriously about running for governor.
Her mission was affirmed first by a close friend, whom Reitenour said received a similar calling from God to help her candidacy, and then by strangers, whom she said confirmed her destiny during separate chance meetings at a Panera Bread location.
She began to meet with church groups and advocacy organizations that align with her views, including Moms for Liberty and Indiana Right to Life. Despite being referred to as an activist on the campaign trail, Reitenour said she is not part of any activism group.
Getting on the ballot
This network of like-minded supporters would soon serve as the volunteer arm of Reitenour’s campaign.
Indiana requires candidates for governor to collect at least 4,500 signatures from voters, including at least 500 from each of the state’s nine congressional districts. It’s a tall order even for seasoned politicians, who often hire specialized operatives for the task.
“The mystery of how we did that will also be the mystery of how we win,” Reitenour said.
She focused on growing supporters and gathering signatures at each small event she hosted, then mobilizing those attendees to gather still more for her.
“I had a formula in my heart for this that the Lord gave me at 4 a.m. one morning,” she said.
The campaign
Reitenour made the ballot, but she is the least-known candidate in a field that includes Sen. Mike Braun, Lt. Gov. Suzanne Crouch, former state Attorney General Curtis Hill, former state Secretary of Commerce Brad Chambers and Eric Doden, a Fort Wayne businessman and previous president of the Indiana Economic Development Corp.
She has no previous political experience. She is a stay-at-home mom who also homeschools her five children and volunteers through ministry. Her previous work experience includes compliance management at a mortgage company, secretarial work and even a stint as an assistant coach in women’s field hockey.
Reitenour was selected in the governor’s race by just 2% of respondents in a recent State Affairs/Howey Politics Indiana poll, tying her with Hill for last place behind front-runner Braun (44%). She has consistently polled in the low single digits.
While other gubernatorial candidates can draw from years of campaign fundraising experience or millions in personal finances, Reitenour had raised just a little more than $54,000 as of March 31.
She has thus found herself paddling in a proverbial ocean of campaign spending.
The four top-polling candidates — Braun, Chambers, Doden and Crouch — have spent a combined $20 million.
After participating in the first gubernatorial debate on March 11, Reitenour did not qualify for a March 27 debate hosted by WISH-TV due to her fundraising numbers, as the television station required candidates to have raised $300,000 by December.
She was also excluded from a March 26 Fox59/CBS4 debate for not reaching a 5% polling threshold. She will be included in the final April 23 debate, hosted by the Indiana Debate Commission.
Reitenour has campaigned using a constantly shuffling group of volunteers. She has only one full-time employee: campaign assistant Casey Pierce, who met Reitenour through his mother’s church.
“It just felt like the right thing to do,” Pierce said of joining the campaign. He has never worked in politics before.
Pierce called his initial meeting with Reitenour “a Holy Spirit encounter.”
Reitenour’s platform
Reitenour described education as the state’s “greatest vulnerability,” and thus her primary platform.
“The next generation is not being educated well, and this has been a long time coming,” Reitenour said.
She has received guidance from the Hamilton County chapter of Moms for Liberty, which made national headlines in 2023 after using a quote attributed to Adolf Hitler in its first newsletter. The nonprofit, which pushes against socially minded education reforms like critical race theory, subsequently apologized.
Reitenour likewise opposes ideas like social-emotional learning in classrooms. Her plan also proposes removing technology from grades K-5, calling for private businesses to sponsor classrooms and requiring all students to pursue an apprenticeship before high school graduation.
She also favors an audit of the Indiana Economic Development Corp., tax cuts, a focus on investing in small towns and generally “pointing Indiana in the direction of family.”
The future
At her coffee shop appearance, Reitenour shied away from admitting her long odds in the race.
“The political system is meant to squeeze people out, but I am working against it,” she said.
She pledged to continue organizing no matter the primary election results.
About Reitenour
- Age: 44
- Hometown: Indianapolis
- Education: Psychology degree from Missouri State University
- Family: Married to Nathan Reitenour, with five children, ages 13, 11, 10, 9 and 4
- Job: Stay-at-home mom, homeschool teacher
- Work history: Former compliance manager at Windsor Capital Mortgage, former athletic director at Calvary Christian School (at Calvary Chapel Vista church in California)
Read these related stories
- Eric Doden is running from behind but hopes his ‘bold vision’ will propel him forward
- Suzanne Crouch positions herself as a ‘different’ candidate for the voiceless
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Child care: Where Republican candidates for governor stand
Six candidates are seeking the Republican nomination for Indiana governor in the May 7 primary. State Affairs is providing looks at their stances on several issues. Jennifer McCormick is unopposed for the Democratic nomination.
Indiana’s high cost of child care ranks as a primary concern for many of the state’s families.
According to Child Care Aware of America, a nonprofit organization that studies child care costs, Indiana ranks as the eighth most expensive state for infant and toddler care. The cost for caring for a baby averages 14.5% of a family’s median income, while toddler care is 12.9%.
Only 5% of Indiana families can afford infant care, the Economic Policy Institute found.
State Affairs asked each of the six Republicans vying for Indiana governor — U.S. Sen. Mike Braun, former state Secretary of Commerce Brad Chambers, Lt. Gov. Suzanne Crouch, Fort Wayne businessman Eric Doden, former state Attorney General Curtis Hill and Indianapolis mother Jamie Reitenour — how they would lower Indiana families’ child care costs if elected.
Here are their responses.
Mike Braun
“The high cost of child care burdens Hoosier families and businesses, who are trying to recruit and retain the best workers. As governor, I am open to and will work on solutions that will reduce the cost of child care, which is a win for our economy and families.”
Brad Chambers
“As governor, I’ll explore strategic expansions of all-day pre-K for 3- and 4-year-olds, including potentially increasing the income eligibility level for state-funded pre-K programs. I’ll create a state-level child care tax credit that requires recipients to work to be eligible to receive it.”
Chambers said he would also explore incentives for employer-sponsored child care.
Suzanne Crouch
“First, I would lead the effort to eliminate the state’s individual income tax, which will mean more money in families’ pockets and help reduce the financial strain of child care expenses … As governor, I would propose that the General Assembly put a priority on early childhood education throughout Indiana.”
Crouch would also support the expansion of at-home and religious-based child care, she said, noting Indiana has “some of the highest relative child care costs in the country.”
Eric Doden
“I’ve offered a bold plan to expand pre-K access to every community in the state. By partnering with communities, nonprofits and education partners, we will begin addressing this important need. … We need a state with thriving communities and access to opportunity. Cost of child care concerns are downstream of family formation rates, good-paying jobs, home ownership and a host of other economic and community issues.”
Curtis Hill
“The government is not responsible for providing child care for private sector employees. Its responsibility is to dismantle the licensing and regulatory burden that prohibits new child care providers from entering the market. If we want to lower the cost of child care, we must cut the government regulations forcing child care facilities to either close or raise prices to meet unnecessary government requirements.”
Jamie Reitenour
“We cannot bear down on taxpayers for everything. We just cannot do it. But we can talk to the private sector and reason together. Can we have in-house day cares at offices? Yes. Can we have employers operate growth centers for employees’ kids? Yes. Taxpayers are not the answer; the private sector is. With competition for qualified workers, larger businesses already employ creative benefits, including child care assistance, to attract talent.”
Read these related stories:
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Poll finds Holcomb popular among Republicans even as potential successors keep distance
Indiana Gov. Eric Holcomb remains popular among Republicans, according to a State Affairs/Howey Politics Indiana poll, even as the GOP candidates to take his place have kept their political distance from him. The polling results released Thursday show Holcomb with an overall positive job-approval rating of 69% among self-identified Republicans and Republican-leaning independents. The results …
‘It’s sort of a blowout’: Braun holds commanding lead in ‘State Affairs/Howey Politics Indiana’ poll
U.S. Sen. Mike Braun holds a commanding lead in a new State Affairs/Howey Politics Indiana poll of likely Hoosier Republican voters in the May 7 gubernatorial primary. Asked who they would vote for if the primary were held today, 44% of respondents picked Braun. Lt. Gov. Suzanne Crouch trailed with 10% of the vote, and …