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Request a DemoFree tickets and fancy meals: How lobbyists spent $1M entertaining lawmakers during session
- State Affairs examined hundreds of reports filed with the Indiana Lobbying Registration Commission as part of an exclusive investigation breaking down lobbyist spending.
- Preliminary reports show that roughly three-fourths of the more than $1 million spent will remain secret from the public due to gaps in state law.
- Suite tickets. College championships. Hundreds on food and beverages. Lawmakers accepted at least $33,000 tied to professional and college sports.
Senate President Pro Tempore Rodric Bray received nearly $1,700 worth of Indiana Pacers tickets for his family from a major lobbying firm representing dozens of groups and companies.
Another firm spent more than $5,300 on a combination of meals and dinner cruises for 20 lawmakers and some of their spouses while they were in Hawaii for a legislative conference.
And Sen. Eric Koch’s wife accompanied him to nine lobbyist-paid meals over the course of six months, including two that were more than $200 a piece.
Those are just some of the ways that lobbyists spent more than $1 million in entertainment and gifts on Indiana lawmakers, their families and staff at a time when legislators were deciding how to allocate billions of taxpayer dollars in the state budget this year.
To learn how lobbyists sought to influence Indiana lawmakers, State Affairs examined hundreds of reports filed with the Indiana Lobby Registration Commission that detail gifts and entertainment spending from Nov. 1, 2022, through April 30, 2023 — the six-month period covering the most recent legislative session. Those expenses, which are self-reported by lobbyists, were due to the commission May 31, though it’s likely lobbyists are still amending some reports. The information is not compiled into a single document, so State Affairs created a 1,700-row spreadsheet, removing any likely duplicates.
The spending frames a portrait of how Indiana lawmakers are treated to meals costing hundreds of dollars as a matter of routine — on top of the thousands of dollars in other freebies they received from legislative lobbyists hoping to influence their vote or seek their support for issues of importance to big business, nonprofits and others.
An investigation by State Affairs found:
- The top recipient of publicly disclosed lobbyist spending is Rep. Bob Morris, a Fort Wayne Republican who chaired a committee that heard a total of three bills across four months.
- At least $33,000 benefited 55 lawmakers in the form of tickets, food and beverages to professional and college sporting events, including the Pacers, Indianapolis Colts and Indiana University basketball.
- Republicans on average received almost twice as much as Democrats, which is likely a reflection of the supermajority’s power and appeal to lobbyists.
- Only eight out of 150 lawmakers did not appear to benefit from lobbyist spending on gifts or entertainment.
- Lobbyists are not always required to disclose which lawmakers benefited. In fact, preliminary reports show that gaps in state law will result in roughly three-fourths of the more than $1 million remaining secret from the public.
That level of spending on entertainment and gifts can lead to cloudy judgment, said Julia Vaughn, executive director of government accountability group Common Cause Indiana — and it sends the wrong message to constituents.
“It sends the message that wining and dining is a natural part of the legislative process,” Vaughn said. “It's really the buying of goodwill, and that just shouldn't be part of it.”
Some lawmakers and lobbyists say such expenses have a place in the legislative process, as long as it’s transparent. Bray, a Martinsville Republican who leads the chamber, declined an interview request from State Affairs but released a statement through a spokeswoman.
"Business conversations happen in a variety of ways. We value transparency, which is why gifts from lobbyists are reported. There is a legitimate need to meet with industry experts to make better-informed public policy decisions,” Bray said in the statement. “Senate Rule 91 makes clear we expect our senators to consider whether accepting a gift will unduly influence their independent legislative judgment, and I trust our members to act responsibly in this space."
Part of the consideration, according to the ethics rule, is whether the person is offering freebies to the senator "with the intent to influence the senator's conduct in the performance of legislative duties." If so, senators are supposed to decline.
Lawmakers, though, are not required by state law to disclose what they receive from lobbyists. That responsibility falls to the lobbyists themselves — and every dollar is self-reported to a state commission that employs three people. The vast majority of reports are not audited. Even then, most of the money spent on entertainment and gifts is untraceable to specific lawmakers.
That leaves Hoosiers in the dark.
Which lawmaker received the most from lobbyists?
The person who appeared to benefit most handsomely from lobbyists is Bob Morris, a Republican from Fort Wayne.
All told, Morris and his family received at least $6,700 in gifts and entertainment during the six-month period, according to lobbyist disclosures. He collected 20% more than the second-highest lawmaker, and he totaled more than the lowest 35 lawmakers combined.
Morris chairs the House Commerce, Small Business and Economic Development committee. His committee heard three bills over four months — less than 1% of the total bills filed this year.
Morris did not respond to three requests for an interview. Erin Wittern, a spokeswoman for House Republicans, issued a statement on behalf of the caucus.
“We have strong rules and laws on the books concerning lobbying expenditures,” she said, “and we remain committed to transparency and placing the interests of Hoosiers first.”
Much of the lobbyist spending on Morris is tied to pricey meals, which is common for Indiana lawmakers. For Morris, State Affairs could trace at least 10 meals for he and his wife that exceeded $100 per meal, including one during the week of Sine Die paid for by a Barnes and Thornburg lobbyist that cost $378.05.
About a third of the lobbyist spending on Morris was for college and professional sports. The day after his $378.05 dinner, for example, Morris received tickets and food for the Fort Wayne Komets hockey team valued at $352.42, according to lobbyist disclosures. Those were paid by Five Star Distributing, a beer distributor operating in Morris’ district.
Then five days after that — in the weekend following the end of the legislative session — Morris accepted $100 in tickets from Five Star Distributing to see the Fort Wayne TinCaps, a minor league affiliate of the San Diego Padres.
He also accepted a gift valued at $350 from Live Nation Entertainment for the Big Ten football championship game at Lucas Oil Stadium last December. The next month, Morris saw the Indiana Pacers on the dime of RSM, a company that provides financial and consulting services.
Pacers, Colts and other entertainment
Morris wasn’t the only lawmaker to accept freebies tied to professional and college sports.
Suite access for the Colts and Pacers. Tickets to watch Indiana University Hoosiers basketball. Food and beverages valued at hundreds of dollars.
State Affairs found 55 lawmakers benefited in sports spending totaling at least $33,000 — an amount on par with a median Hoosier's income for the year.
Bray, the Senate head, received the highest amount of disclosed sports-related entertainment. Lobbyists paid $3,398 for Bray and his family to enjoy sporting events, including about $1,500 from the Indiana Chamber of Commerce to watch the Pacers. He attended Pacers games on lobbyists’ dimes two additional times.
Altogether, Bray ranked No. 10, receiving $4,100 worth of entertainment and gifts when also including meals.
His counterpart in the other chamber, House Speaker Todd Huston, received the third-highest amount of sports freebies — including $1,000 paid by Zink Distributing Company, a beer distributor, for a "Football Game." He did not accept very many meals, though, which means he ranked No. 43 on the list, totaling $1,994 in gifts and entertainment.
One lawmaker initially identified by State Affairs as the top free sports recipient, however, said there was a mistake in the lobbyist disclosures.
Norton Healthcare reported spending more than $4,000 for Sen. Chris Garten, R-Charlestown, his wife and their three kids to attend a Chicago Bulls game on March 29.
When asked last week by State Affairs about that outing, a spokeswoman for Garten said it was agreed beforehand that the senator would be invoiced for the tickets so he could pay for them.
“He's taking steps to complete that process,” said Molly Fishell, a spokeswoman for Senate Republicans.
Other top lawmakers given entertainment and gifts from lobbyists
Other lawmakers didn’t necessarily top the list because of an outsized number of sporting tickets, but they did have something else in common. All five of the top recipients are Republican men.
Plus, four out of five of the lawmakers who benefited the most from lobbyists are committee chairs, among the most powerful lawmakers in the Statehouse because they decide whether a bill can be voted on or even debated. Committee chairs on average received $464 more than those who don’t lead committees.
Aside from Morris, here’s who else topped the list, none of whom responded to a request for an interview:
2. Rep. Brad Barrett, R-Richmond: As chair of the House Public Health committee, the majority of Barrett’s meals and entertainment came from lobbyists with ties to the health care industry. Both caucuses made addressing health outcomes a priority this legislative session, whether it was to reduce costs to the consumer or increase public and mental health spending, so Barrett was a sought-after lawmaker. Altogether he and his wife received $5,494 worth of meals, entertainment and sports tickets during the six-month period.
In the middle of the legislative session, a health care-focused lobbyist from The Corydon Group paid for Barrett and six other lawmakers to golf at Arizona’s Quintero Golf Club, as well as a more than $200 meal for Barrett at an Arizona steakhouse that same day. The lobbying firm represents Parkview Hospital as well as multiple pharmaceutical companies. Barrett would spend the remainder of session shepherding multiple bills on the House side impacting the health care industry.
Chris Gibson, managing principal for The Corydon Group, said the firm “goes to significant lengths” to follow the law and be transparent. The firm routinely specifies where a meal was purchased, for example, as well as the date, while many other lobbyists do not.
“In a part-time legislature, our public affairs professionals are trusted by policy makers to help educate them on issues impacting our clients,” Gibson said in a statement. “From time to time, this includes interacting with legislators at conferences and events that take place outside of Indiana.”
3. Rep. Doug Miller, R-Elkhart: Miller benefited from the generosity of a mix of groups, including the Association of Indiana Prosecuting Attorneys, health care entities and utility groups. Of the $5,341 Miller received, his largest line items came from those associated with the home building and apartment industry. He received meals at Prime 47 and Salt on Mass from the Indiana Apartment Association.
While Miller chairs the House Government and Regulatory Reform committee, perhaps what he was most known for this session was his work on House Bill 1005. That Republican priority bill aimed to make Indiana’s housing supply more affordable, but the final version left apartment costs out of the equation. Miller also is on the House Environmental Affairs committee.
4. Rep. Bob Heaton, R-Terre Haute: Unlike the others on the top five list, Heaton does not chair a committee. He was among those who benefited from entertainment on two out-of-state trips, paid for in part by The Corydon Group. The first was the Arizona trip Barrett also attended. The other occurred on a trip to Hawaii for a legislative conference, enabled by a taxpayer-paid legislative fund dedicated to professional development. While there, lobbyists spent at least $364 on entertainment and meals, including a USS Missouri ticket and a dinner cruise for Heaton and his wife. Lobbyists are prohibited from paying for flights or hotels for out-of-state trips, but can still pay for meals.
5. Sen. Eric Koch, R-Bedford: It was a busy session for Koch. He carried priority legislation from Senate Republicans seeking to limit the right to bail, and he continued to shepherd complicated bills as the chair of the powerful Senate Utilities Committee. He received at least $4,989 in gifts and entertainment — including more than $3,000 from lobbyists and companies connected to the electric utility, transmission and telecommunications industries. About a fifth of the overall spending on Koch was directed toward his wife, who received at least $1,048 in spending from lobbyists — the most that lobbyists spent on a lawmaker’s family member during the six-month period.
Altogether, lobbyists spent at least $18,738 on all lawmakers’ family members.
Some lawmakers (quietly) decline gifts and entertainment
Out of the 150 lawmakers across both chambers, only eight did not appear to receive a gift or any entertainment paid for by lobbyists:
- Republicans: Rep. Bruce Borders; Rep. Ryan Lauer; Rep. Elizabeth Rowray; Sen. Jim Tomes
- Democrats: Rep. Ryan Dvorak; Rep. Sheila Klinker; Sen. Fady Qaddoura; Rep. Vanessa Summers
State law does not always require lobbyists to name lawmakers who received gifts and entertainment — such as if every lawmaker is invited to an event, for example, or the spending does not exceed $50 per day or $250 per year. It is possible that some still received gifts that did not meet the threshold.
But three contacted by State Affairs said they don’t accept most if not all entertainment.
“I always want to have a soft heart, one that the Lord can ply and mold and so forth, and so I’m really cautious about undue influence,” Borders, R-Jasonville, told State Affairs.
Borders will occasionally attend lobbyist dinners held for committees he is on, but he joked it was “rarer than a Bigfoot sighting” for him to eat with a lobbyist. That meant he once declined an opportunity to purchase Colts’ Super Bowl tickets at face value, which frustrated his son at the time.
For Qaddoura, D-Indianapolis, he pledged prior to his time as a state senator — back when he worked for the state government and then for Indianapolis as the city controller — against personally benefiting from his public office.
“Sometimes we lose trust as public servants if people think that they sent us here to work for them and all you're doing is dining and wining and enjoying yourself. I always ask myself: If I'm going to accept this meal, why not my constituents?” Qaddoura said. “Why should it be that a legislator gets to go eat at the fanciest restaurants in our communities when our own constituents can't afford these meals?”
It’s been an evolution for Dvorak, D-South Bend. He told State Affairs that he would accept lobbyist spending years ago, including free tickets to watch a Sweet 16 basketball game in Indianapolis. But he said he decided to create a “bright line” for himself several years ago because he wanted to avoid even the appearance of impropriety as a member of the General Assembly.
“There's lobbyists for all sorts of things, but now it's only the lobbyists with money who have real access,” Dvorak said. “Lobbying in this environment is less about determining the factual veracity of an issue and hinges more on which moneyed interest has more access to influence how an issue is legislated or regulated.”
He noted that the names of some lawmakers, though, will likely appear in lobbyist spending simply because they attended an industry luncheon open to a lot of others, too. Those types of meals aren’t necessarily what comes to mind for the public as nefarious, he said.
The lobbyists who do spend money on entertainment see it as a necessary way to build relationships and help their clients.
Michael O’Brien, a lobbyist at 1816 LLC, said lobbyists are just like salespeople attempting to sell lawmakers policies that will prevent their clients from being harmed. Some lawmakers want to meet at restaurants, while others want to keep it strictly in-building. His lobbying firm only reported purchasing one set of sports tickets for a lawmaker during the most recent reporting period.
“In order to lobby effectively you’ve got to have the trust of the person you’re talking to,” O’Brien said. “You only get that by building relationships over time and you really get that quality relationship by spending time with them so they understand where you’re coming from.”
Women and Democrats accept less entertainment
Women and Democrats — both in the minority in the Statehouse — received fewer entertainment dollars on average.
Women make up roughly a quarter of Indiana lawmakers, but only 15% of the recorded spending from lobbyists. On average, female lawmakers and their families received $830, while male lawmakers on average received more than double at $1,753.
At the top among women is Rep. Sharon Negele, R-Attica. Negele, who is 32nd on the list, received at least $2,451 in gifts and entertainment, according to lobbyist disclosures, largely in meals. One of her largest expenses, though, was nearly $400 for “sporting event ticket & refreshments” from the Indiana Energy Association, which lobbies on behalf of natural gas and investor-owned electric utility companies. Negele declined a State Affairs request for an interview.
It’s a similar story among Democrats. The average Democrat received $908 in gifts and entertainment, while the average Republican received $1,724.
Rep. Kyle Miller, a freshman from Fort Wayne, received the most among Democrats, falling at 22nd on the list. Miller, who received at least $3,000 in gifts and entertainment, declined an interview request.
“Rep. Miller’s top priority continues to be ensuring his constituents have a voice in the Indiana Statehouse,” Hannah Smith, a spokeswoman for House Democrats, said in a statement. “As a new member of the General Assembly, part of getting acclimated to the Statehouse and the responsibilities of an elected official requires you to meet with various stakeholders to understand their viewpoints and legislative concerns.”
Aside from at least one meal dedicated to freshmen lawmakers, he also benefited from two Fort Wayne-centric lobbyist dinners. His priciest expense was a $270 legislative dinner that a third of Indiana lawmakers attended.
Further proof that Democrats’ positions are by and large less lucrative, Senate Minority Leader Greg Taylor, D-Indianapolis, received the least amount of gifts and entertainment among the four legislative leaders. He was 47th on the list overall with $1,849. It’s unclear what the biggest expense — $414.31 — paid for. Bose Public Affairs Group simply wrote: “Exceeded Annual Threshold.” Taylor declined a State Affairs interview request.
House Minority Leader Phil GiaQuinta, D-Fort Wayne, however, received more than his Republican counterpart, Huston. GiaQuinta was ranked No. 36, receiving $2,294 in gifts and entertainment. He attended 18 lobbyist-paid meals, the priciest of which was a $270 dinner a third of state lawmakers attended. GiaQuinta declined an interview request through a spokeswoman.
While Democrats received fewer gifts and entertainment overall — which may be a reflection of their limited power in the General Assembly as much as anything else — they still accepted $4,247 in sports freebies and 10 of them enjoyed at least one free lobbyist-paid meal while in Hawaii for a legislative conference.
Could Indiana’s lobbying laws be stronger?
In Vaughn’s eyes, lobbying to this magnitude complicates Indiana’s legislative process.
“It takes away from the issues and introduces relationships into the equation,” Vaughn said. “The person you went and had a great time with at the ball game, you’re going to call them back first.”
Other states have more stringent lobbying and disclosure laws. In Georgia, for example, providing lawmakers with free sports tickets is prohibited, as is food and beverages above $75 that are not produced in Georgia. That would mean a chunk of the meals that Indiana lawmakers received while in Hawaii would be off the table.
In Wisconsin, lobbyists are generally prohibited from giving anything of value to an elected official or legislative employee, though they can make a personal contribution to a lawmaker’s campaign at certain times of the year.
In Indiana, though, such contributions are allowed. Plus, Indiana’s lobbying disclosure laws have other loopholes and shortcomings.
Just as one example, Indiana law requires disclosure only twice a year. That's why the public would never learn about a Hawaiian dinner cruise in December paid for by lobbyists until the end of May — several weeks after the legislative session is over.
But, the very people who benefit from the lobbyists' gifts — and who would be put under a microscope with more transparency — are the ones who would have to vote to change the system.
Contact Kaitlin Lange on Twitter @kaitlin_lange or email her at [email protected].
Contact Ryan Martin on Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, LinkedIn, or at [email protected].
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Header image: Lobbyists spent more than $1 million on gifts and entertainment for lawmakers over a six-month period. (Credit: Anna French)
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$15B in 72 hours: ‘Our economy is on fire,’ says Commerce chief
A banner week for investment within Indiana has capped off the state’s biggest financial quarter in recent history, as three major companies agreed to deals estimated to bring in billions of dollars. The state has long advertised itself as business-friendly, and its chief executive appeared thrilled by the week’s news. “This is about $15 billion …
6 races to watch in the Indiana primary election
The first openly competitive contest for the Republican gubernatorial nomination in a generation will end with Tuesday’s primary election, as will crowded races for several open congressional seats.
The primary won’t officially decide any political race — only the Nov. 5 general election can do that. But Republicans hold major advantages in statewide and many district-level contests, and who secures which nominations will go a long way toward deciding who may lead the state in the years to come.
>> Related: How does voting by political party work in Indiana?
Here are six key primary contests to watch on election night.
Governor
The race to be Indiana’s next chief executive has been perhaps the most noteworthy of the election cycle, with six Republicans bringing a variety of experience and outsider credentials to the competition.
Sen. Mike Braun has led in the polls from day one, including running up a 34 percentage-point lead in an April State Affairs/Howey Politics Indiana survey.
The other five candidates are: Lt. Gov. Suzanne Crouch, former Attorney General Curtis Hill, Indianapolis mom Jamie Reitenour and two former state secretaries of commerce in Brad Chambers and Eric Doden.
The winner of Tuesday’s Republican primary will face Democrat and former state Superintendent of Public Instruction Jennifer McCormick, who will advance for her party unopposed.
Republican candidates spent tens of millions of dollars in an attempt to stand out in their crowded pack. The primary race also featured four televised debates, including a chaotic final display on April 24.
U.S. Senate
Two Democrats are vying for the chance to replace Braun in the U.S. Senate: Former state Rep. Marc Carmichael and Valerie McCray, a clinical psychologist.
Carmichael has outspent McCray in the race by a margin of nearly $63,000 to $15,000.
Both are attempting to become the state’s first Democratic senator since Joe Donnelly’s election in 2012.
Rep. Jim Banks is running unopposed in the Republican primary.
3rd Congressional District
Banks’ entry into the Senate race leaves his seat in Congress open, and a bevy of Republicans are seeking to replace him: Grant Bucher, Wendy Davis, Mike Felker, Jon Kenworthy, Tim Smith, Marlin A. Stutzman, Eric Whalen and Andy Zay.
State Affairs has identified Stutzman, a former congressman; Smith, a self-funding former Fort Wayne mayoral candidate; and Davis, a former Allen County judge, as candidates to watch in the crowded race.
Kiley Adolph and Phil Goss are running against one another in the Democratic primary.
5th Congressional District
After initially deciding against another run, Republican Rep. Victoria Spartz reversed course to seek re-election in 2024.
Eight other Republicans are running against Spartz: Raju Chinthala, Max Engling, Chuck Goodrich, Mark Hurt, Patrick Malayter, Matthew Peiffer, L.D. Powell and Larry L. Savage Jr.
Goodrich, a member of the Indiana House of Representatives, has spent more than $2 million on TV ads as he seeks to unseat Spartz, according to AdImpact.
Two Democrats, Ryan Pfenninger and Deborah A. Pickett, are on the ballot.
6th Congressional District
Seven Republicans are attempting to replace retiring Rep. Greg Pence: Jamison E. Carrier, Darin Childress, Bill Frazier, John Jacob, state Sen. Jeff Raatz, Jefferson Shreve and state Rep. Mike Speedy.
Shreve, who ran unsuccessfully for Indianapolis mayor in 2023, has spent nearly $4 million — predominantly through TV advertising — in his bid.
Cynthia Wirth, whom Pence defeated by 35 percentage points in 2022, is running unopposed in the Democratic primary.
8th Congressional District
Republican Rep. Larry Bucshon is also retiring, and a dozen candidates in both parties are seeking to fill his seat.
On the Republican side, former Rep. John Hostettler, state Sen. Mark Messmer, former President Donald Trump White House staff member Dominick Kavanaugh and frequent Bucshon primary challenger Richard Moss are each making a push.
Fellow Republicans Jim Case, Jeremy Heath, Luke Misner and Kristi Risk are also running but trail the above pack in campaign spending.
Four Democrats are also seeking a nomination: Erik Hurt, Peter FH Priest II, Edward Upton Sein and Michael Talarzyk.
Contact Rory Appleton on X at @roryehappleton or email him at [email protected].
What happens after the primary election?
Hoosiers will narrow their choices for governor, U.S. Senate and various other state and federal races during the Tuesday, May 7, primary election. Winners of the primary election races will represent their respective party in the Nov. 5 general election. If a contest features only one Republican or Democrat, that candidate will automatically move on. …
Newcomer Clay challenges longtime incumbent Young for state Senate
A central Indiana state Senate race may soon serve as a barometer for state Republican politics, as a young upstart groomed for leadership faces down a longtime incumbent in the upcoming primary election.
The race for Senate District 35, which includes parts of Marion and Hendricks counties, revolves around similar conservative beliefs held by wildly different candidates.
State Sen. Mike Young, 72, is a Statehouse fixture who refuses to attend his committee meetings or caucus with his fellow Republicans but nonetheless offers nearly four decades of legislative experience to his district.
Philip Clay is a 29-year-old retail banker with a young family and no political experience. He seeks to bring more collaboration to the role.
If elected, Clay would be the only Black Republican in the Indiana General Assembly.
“Unpopularity in the Statehouse doesn’t always translate to being unpopular in the district,” Mike O’Brien, president of 1816 Public Affairs Group and former Hendricks County Republican Party chairman, said of Young.
“You have a young guy working hard, and that’s kind of what it takes to beat a long-term incumbent,” O’Brien said. “We see examples of that every cycle. Maybe this is the one this time.”
Young no longer caucuses
Young, who served in the Indiana House of Representatives from 1986 to 2000 before moving to the state Senate, made headlines in summer 2022 when he decided to no longer caucus with his party.
“I won’t caucus because I don’t trust our leadership,” Young told State Affairs. He stressed his decision had nothing to do with his failed amendment to the state’s abortion ban, saying he wrote a letter expressing his intent to leave before the abortion bill was heard.
Young said he remains part of the caucus, as he is a Republican senator, but simply does not attend meetings.
He has also stopped going to most meetings of his assigned Senate committees: Corrections and Criminal Law, Elections, Family and Children Services, and Pensions and Labor.
“I go to them if they affect my district,” Young said.
He attended a Jan. 17 Pensions and Labor Committee meeting to argue down Senate Bill 54, which Young said would have hurt Wayne Township firefighters by forcing them to consolidate with the Indianapolis Fire Department.
Young said all senators are asked to pick five committees they’d want to serve on, but Senate President Pro Tempore Rodric Bray did not select him for any of his listed options. Young informed Bray he did not intend to attend future committee meetings.
Bray also replaced him as chair of the Corrections and Criminal Law Committee and removed him from the Judiciary Committee. Attempts to reach Bray for comment were unsuccessful.
“You don’t have to be on committees to get things done,” Young said. “When the bill comes to the floor, you have the opportunity to amend just like you would in committee. So there’s nothing really lost or harmed by it.”
Clay’s push for office
Clay, who has lived within the district in Plainfield for most of his life, said Young’s decision to no longer caucus motivated him to get into the race.
“There’s a lot of things Mike and I agree on, but after Mike left the Republican caucus and voiced some personal grievances with the Senate … it’s kind of like watching your favorite player not show up to the game,” Clay said.
Clay said one of his primary campaign platforms is improving workforce development within the district as. He co-founded Arthur Clay and Co., an organization focused on preparing men of color for their future careers.
Like Young, Clay is anti-abortion. Whereas Young seeks to eliminate property taxes, Clay believes reform is the more prudent path. Clay also hopes to improve education, make adoption easier and increase public safety if elected.
Clay trained with both the national and state GOP in 2022, completing the Republican National Committee’s Rising Star and Indiana Republican Diversity Leadership Series training programs geared toward recruiting minority conservatives for public office.
“There are so many well-qualified minority conservatives that we’ve not done a good job in either messaging to or helping them explore the Republican Party,” Clay said.
“There are Black conservatives across the country,” he said. “To have the opportunity to be the only one in the state is an incredible honor. It’s absolutely something I don’t take lightly.”
Support from Indiana Chamber
Both candidates have spent tens of thousands of dollars on their campaigns as of March 31.
Clay spent just under $34,000 in the first quarter of 2024, leaving him with about $30,000 left for a final push.
Young has spent around $29,500 and has about $45,000 remaining.
While Young has raised from various sources — including other lawmakers, small-dollar donors and $22,000 in personal loans — much of Clay’s backing has come from one source: the Indiana Chamber of Commerce.
The Chamber’s political action committee, Indiana Business for Responsive Government, has given Clay almost $21,000, plus another $11,000 from in-kind donations.
Jeff Brantley, the Chamber’s senior vice president for political affairs, said Young’s voting record does not often align with his organization.
“He talks a lot, but he can’t get things done in one of the more rapidly growing suburban districts in the state,” Brantley said of Young. “Constituents aren’t being fully served.”
Brantley said Clay could bring both a fresh perspective as the Legislature’s only Black Republican and new life to the seat.
“The district needs and deserves someone who really has the energy and the engagement,” Brantley said.
Young said the Chamber was “beating up on him,” even though he has worked to get Chamber-supported legislation through the Statehouse. He listed reducing the state’s license plate tax as one example.
The senator has been endorsed by the Indiana Family Action PAC, Indiana Right to Life, Hoosier Conservative Roundtable, American Family Association of Indiana PAC and the Indiana State Police Alliance.
Taxes key to Young’s reelection bid
If reelected, Young hopes to end property taxes for all Hoosiers, particularly those over 65.
“Speedway has neighborhoods where most people have lived in their homes for 50 years, and they’re on fixed incomes,” Young said. “And when they get a 48% [tax] increase, that’s killing them. They can lose their house.”
Young has pushed the idea for more than a decade, and he believes momentum and money exist to get it done next year, when the Legislature will set the state’s budget.
Indiana could be the first state to end property taxes for seniors “with no strings attached,” Young said.
He said he would also work to “stand up for conservative values”: supporting tax cuts, opposing a plan to give “illegal immigrants” driver’s licenses and creating a rule in the state senate requiring 24 hours’ notice to changes in the state budget.
O’Brien, the former Hendricks County GOP chair who has followed Young’s career for years, said the senator’s long incumbency will be tough to beat. He added that Young’s reputation as a thorn in leadership’s side isn’t necessarily a detriment in the May 7 primary election.
“Go-give-’em-hell gets you a lot of votes,” O’Brien said. “That’s why [former President Donald] Trump is doing what he does. It’s just the mood of the electorate right now.”
Contact Rory Appleton on X at @roryehappleton or email him at [email protected].